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Monday, 8 September 2025

On Tragedy and Madness

 Tragedy and Madness

The deepest yet most common meaning underlying the words

‘tragedy’ and ‘tragic’ is that events so described are those which

challenge one's reason for or belief in living. The questioning of

existence and of meaning is an inevitable response to disaster and a

constant feature of tragedy. Frequently (and, in fact, it is the accepted

logic of most clichés on the subject), the outcome of an overwhelming

personal catastrophe is mental breakdown. The air-plane crash, the

natural disaster, the genocidal massacre, the assassination, the

maternal infanticide--all are rightly described as "tragic" in so far as

they have the potential to throw out of contention the conviction that

existence is reasonable and significant, and thereby imply or promote

aberrant behaviour or perceptions. This intuitive and logical

connection between what is "tragic" and what is "mad" is, I believe, a

key feature of those dramas we typically call tragedies.






Primitive ritual vs alienation

Despite this potential correlation, forthright treatment of the relationship between tragedy and madness is rare in the literature of both psychology and literary criticism. One exception to this tendency is Ralph J. Hallman's The Psychology of Literature: A Study of Alienation and Tragedy. Hallman adopts what might be described as a psycho-anthropological approach to tragedy. He argues that the origin of tragedy lies in the collision of primitive

rituals which, through the enactment of death and rebirth, were psychically sustaining, and rationality, which alienated the individual from this psychological sustenance. Primitive ritual underlines the positive sense, the rejuvenation, of death leading to rebirth; rationality discredits this vision, and pre-empts the immediacy and spontaneity, and the sense of community and self affirmation brought about by the ritual. Tragedy expresses the general sense of alienation inherent in this situation. It re-enacts the atavistic desire to die as a means of recapturing life's spontaneity and, at the same time, its rationality

invalidates this death. Rationality furthers the alienation it has

engendered because it fails to revivify the sense of self as ritual had

done. Hallman writes:

. . . the great tragedies re-enact this death drama--its necessity

and meaninglessness; they depict the alienation of man, and

because man's rational faculty establishes the alienating

conditions, tragedy depicts the bankruptcy of intelligence as a

measure which one must take in vain effort to escape the final

estrangement. 1

In Hallman's view "alienation" and "estrangement" are inevitable to

tragedy.

Tragedy signifies man's failure to achieve identity; it traces out

his efforts to discover who he is and what he ought to do and

how he fits into the general scheme of things. In the broadest

sense tragedy reports the failure of personality formation and

consequently installs those conditions which destroy the values

which are normally associated with individual personality. 2

Madness in Ancient Literature

While many studies note the presence of madness in tragedy, few
explicitly acknowledge or extensively consider a basic connection
between tragedy and the breakdown of personality as Hallman has
done. In Madness in Ancient Literature, Ainsworth O'Brien-Moore
catalogues examples of madness from the tragedies of Aeschylus,
Sophocles and Euripides, and distinguishes each of the dramatists'
treatment of madness, but he reaches no conclusions about the
relationship between madness and tragedy.


Mind and Madness in Ancient Greece

More promising is Bennett Simon's Mind and Madness in Ancient

Greece in which he confirms that "tragedy reveals a great interest in

madness, which it shows as arising from a matrix of deep ambivalence

and unbearable conflict." 3 "The heroes of tragedy who go mad,"

Simon observes, "do so when their world is collapsing around them.

Their madness is part of a frantic attempt to hold on to what they

know and think right. Their world involves issues of state, the gods,

the family, and the microcosm of their own conflicted ideals and

passions." 4 Simon's comments are only intended to describe

madness as it is portrayed in ancient drama but, as my forthcoming

argument will reveal, the terms of his description are tantamount to a

definition of tragedy.


Madness in Shakespearean Tragedy

H. Somerville broaches this insight in his book, Madness in

Shakespearean Tragedy, when he points out that in tragedy, "in the

case of an insane character it may well be asked: Is the catastrophe in

his death or in his madness?" 5 However, Dr. Somerville retreats

from any further consideration of a link between tragedy and madness,

choosing instead to "explain some of the difficulties occurring in the

speeches, as well as those arising out of the strange and puzzling

behaviour of the principal characters during their attacks of insanity."6


The Mad Folk of Shakespeare

J.C. Bucknill, in his book, The Mad Folk of Shakespeare, published

in 1867, observes that "abnormal states of mind were a favorite

study of Shakespeare." 7 However, Bucknill does not specifically

align madness with tragedy.





The Birth of Tragedy

In fact, the intuition of a connection between tragedy and madness, it might be argued, is distinctly modern and has only come to us since Nietzsche. Prior to The Birth of Tragedy we find little connection between tragedy and madness in the critical analyses of tragedy. The absence of this recognition, I would contend, is due not to the lack of

episodes of madness in extant tragedies, nor to the analysts' failure to note them, but to the dominance of idealist or systemic approaches to tragedy which automatically made madness a low priority or even an extraneous feature of tragedy.

Aristotle's Poetics

Gerald Else in his introduction to Aristotle Poetics notes the paucity

of discussion of "poetic madness" or "inspiration" in the Poetics

despite this phenomenon having been frequently discussed by Plato.

Whatever the reason (and to my notion the status of poetic

Inspiration had been oblique and precarious even in Plato's

thinking), Aristotle does not in fact make any significant use of

the idea. There is one passing reference to poetic madness, in

section 17; but however interpreted, it clearly does not belong

to the main structure of Aristotle's theory. 8

If we consider section 17 on the "Essential procedures in converting a

plot into a play," we find Aristotle's argument for realistic portrayals of

passion.

Also one should work the appropriate figures and forms of

speech into the text, as far as possible. For people in the grip of

passions are most persuasive because they share the natural

tendencies we have, and it is the man who conveys dejection or

rages with anger in the most natural terms who makes us feel

dejection or anger. (Hence the composition is an affair of either the wellendowed

or the manic individual; for of these two types the

ones are impressionable while the others are liable to be

"possessed" from time to time.) 9

Clearly, high passion is part of Aristotle's understanding of tragedy--he

makes "fear and pity" the center of his definition and he considers one

of the "better" forms of anagnorisis that which carries "a shattering

emotional effect" 10 --yet madness, in his analysis, remains an

extraneous or ornamental aspect of tragedy. For example, still in

section 17, Aristotle suggests that in constructing a tragedy, first the

plot should be outlined, then the characters' names and "other" scenes

should be added. Aristotle includes the madness of Orestes as an

example of one of these "other" scenes. While these affective and

even passionate elements are present in Aristotle's vision of tragedy,

they must eventually be subordinated to his sense of the higher order

of rationalism.





Hegel on Tragedy

Hegel, like Aristotle, submits tragedy to the tyranny of the "Idea." Hegel's typical tragedy is the case of a hero who becomes totally identified with a principle, an idea, a commitment, who then finds himself in an "unmediated contradiction" between his principles and

his concern for a loved-one, which eventually destroys him. In Hegel's analysis, as in Aristotle's, we can see the possibility of madness being a feature of tragedy; however, both these philosophers attach tragedy

to a larger, absolutist vision of the universe, which reduces the here-and-now world of the tragic hero, and his psychological conflicts, to incidents which are valued only in so far as they reflect or symbolize the idealized universe.


The Dionysian and Schopenhauer

In The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche sets out with the intention of

avoiding the theodicies of his predecessors. He creates a new

category of concern, "the Dionysian," in which the sensuous, the

immediate, the communal, abandon, frenzy, intoxication, ecstasy and

madness are upheld and valued in counterbalance to the "Apollonian"

values of form, discipline and control. However, in his conclusion

that the tragic hero abandons individuality and plunges himself into

the primordial will Nietzsche surrenders his argument to

Schopenhauer's theodicy of the will and returns madness to mysticism.

Nonetheless, Nietzsche's discussion of tragedy so unbalanced all

previous approaches to tragedy that tragedy could never again be

spoken of in the same way. Refined discussions of dulce and utile now

seem feeble, the great Wheel of Fortune appears little more than a

quaint metaphor, and madness itself, through Nietzsche, has arguably

become the positive value of tragedy. What we find in the modern age

are not simply new definitions of tragedy but new ways of defining it.

Consistent in these myriad approaches to tragedy is the intimation of

madness or at least the conditions of madness as definitive of what is

tragic.


Tragedy and Tragic Vision

In Tragedy and Tragic Vision , Murray Krieger describes tragedy

and the modern world as linked by "tragic vision" but separated by the

mitigating aesthetic form of traditional tragedy and the unrelieved

tragic vision of the modern age. Yet madness, in his assessment, is

implied to exist in both traditional tragedy and in the literature of

"tragic vision." For example, Krieger describes the evolution of tragic

vision as follows:

. . the tragic vision was born inside tragedy, as a part of it: as a

possession of the tragic hero, the vision was a reflection in the

realm of thematics of the fully fashioned aesthetic totality

which was tragedy. But fearful and even demonic in its

revelations, the vision needed the ultimate soothing power of

the aesthetic form which contained it--of tragedy itself--in order

to preserve for the world a sanity which the vision itself denied.

11

We should recognize that Krieger's polarization of the traditional

form called "tragedy" and the modern theme called "tragic vision" is

based on the assumption that the aesthetic form of tragedy asserts a

resolution of harmony, a return to an ordered universe, and the

reaffirmation of a transcendent moral order. Krieger describes the

modern "unrelieved tragic vision" as follows:


. . . in its seizing upon the particular and its denial of any

totality it is an heretical vision; and in its defiance of all rational

moral order it is a demoniac vision. Finally, in a very special

sense it is a casuistic vision; and it is this characteristic,

perhaps, that makes it especially accessible to literary portrayal.

The tragic vision, a product of crisis and of shock, is an

expression of man only in an extreme situation, never in a

normal or routine one. Literature dealing with it frequently

dwells on the exceptional man; and when it does choose a

normal man it does so only to convert him, by way of the

extremity he lives through, into the exceptional man. 12

The paradox of tragedy is that it presents madness, chaos and the

demise of humanity yet, at the same time, tragedy as an aesthetic form

remains sane, ordered, and exalting of humanity and human passions.

This paradox is an unavoidable fact of tragedy, as true for the

American tragedians of the 1940's as it was for the Greeks of the 5th

century BC. Unmitigated tragic vision is a logical impossibility.

Tragic vision is always mitigated, in fact, contradicted by the fact that

it is found within an aesthetic form. On the other side of his

argument, Krieger overstates the case for the catharsis of traditional

tragedy achieved through aesthetic form and the restoration of the

morally ordered universe. When I consider Creon and Lear and Willy

Loman, I find little difference in the degree to which these men are

lost and equally little in their life experiences to offset the pathos

which their destinies engender. When I consider Oedipus and

Macbeth and Hedda Gabler, I find little indication in the plays of

mitigation of their catastrophic destinies except the plays themselves

as aesthetic forms, and this is true in each of the three cases.


Tragedy Is Not Enough

In Karl Jasper's Tragedy Is Not Enough we find the merging of

existential and transcendental visions of tragedy and, I would contend,

an implicit argument for madness as the common denominator of

both. Like Steiner, Jaspers insists upon transcendence as being

essential to tragedy, but Jaspers offers a much broader notion of

transcendence, and invites the conclusion that mental breakdown

precipitates transcendence. Jaspers argues that "breakdown and

failure reveal the true nature of things." 1 As he involves himself in

the tragic, "man's mind fails and breaks down in the very wealth of its

potentialities." 2 This breakdown automatically implies

transcendence.

Both the exceptional man and the sublime order have their own

limits, beyond which they break down. What conquers in

tragedy is the transcendent--or rather even this does not

conquer, for it makes itself felt only through the whole

situation. It neither dominates nor submits; it simply exists. 15

Anatomy of Criticism

Though not explicitly stated, intimations of madness seem to hover

about tragedy even in Northrop Frye's "scientific" study of literature,

Anatomy of Criticism. Frye basically attempts to make tragedy a

mere category to be subsumed under a pseudo-scientific

superstructure. The shortcoming of a structuralist approach is that,

while it may place tragedy coherently within the body of literature and

art, it tells us little about the meaning and value of tragedy. The

structuralist tendency is to forgo the question of tragedy's

correspondence to life in order to maintain the internal coherence of a

theory. This, however, is not to deny that insight can be gained from

the comparison of tragedy to comedy or epic or satire. For example,

Frye's discussion of the "tragic mode" fuels our present hypothesis:

“. . . there is a general distinction between fictions in which the hero

becomes isolated from his society, and fictions in which he is

incorporated into it. This distinction is expressed by the words ‘tragic’

and ‘comic’ . . . .” 16 Though Frye's notion of the tragic touches upon

alienation, his vision of tragedy in "The Mythos of Autumn" is

inconclusive as to a connection between tragedy and madness.


Modern Tragedy

Raymond Williams' approach to tragedy in Modern Tragedy is

historical; that is, he sees tragedy not as fixed but as an experience that

is rediscovered within new circumstances and conventions. When

Williams comes to describe what he calls "liberal tragedy," which

extends roughly from Marlowe and Shakespeare to Ibsen and Miller,

he writes:

Much of the new drama, even when its reference points are

familiar categories, takes its most active life from a

consciousness of the self in a passing moment of experience: a

self-consciousness which is now in itself dramatic, and which

new dramatic resources are employed to express. The common

process of life is seen at its most intense in an individual

experience.



 Tragedy, according to Williams, is now rooted in "the    nature of a particular man" and the process by which he discovers his external limits.

But the limits men reach, in their challenge to order, are not

only of this kind. There are new limits, within man himself.

Order can break there, within the personality, as decisively and  as tragically. Breakdown and madness, as private experiences, are quite newly realised and explored. The emphasis, as we take the full weight, is not on the naming of limits, but on their intense and confused discovery and exploration. 17

Williams has, of course, repositioned the dividing line between modern and traditional tragedy. From our present perspective we must ask of William's dividing line: Is there really such a difference between Orestes' "public" madness and Hamlet's "private" madness? Is there such a difference in the way Creon's world falls apart and the

way Lear's world falls apart? Furthermore, can we separate a man's

discovery of his external limits from his discovery of his internal

limits? Are the two not inseparably intertwined? Are they not, in

fact, one? For example, isn't Oedipus's discovery of the fate the gods

have in store for him, in fact, a collision with his own internal limits,

just as Willy Loman's bumping into the limits of the American dream

is for him an internal crisis? In other words, if we bridge Williams'

historical distinctions, tragedy appears as the consistent experience of

reaching one's limits and the consequent breakdown of one's sense of

order and self.


In Summary

Despite the variety of these approaches we should recognize that

madness, though never focused on, remains an implicit element of

tragedy. In the formalist approach of Aristotle we discover the

"passion," the "shock," and "the shattering emotional effect" of

tragedy; in the idealist aesthetics of Hegel we hear of the unresolvable

contradiction which destroys the individual; in Nietzsche's Dionysian

approach we learn of the necessary destruction of individuation. In

Krieger's analysis the tragic hero becomes an existential visionary

compelled to see beyond sanity. In Jasper's melange of secular

existentialism and religious transcendentalism, the destruction of the

individual mind is again predicated by tragedy. Even Frye's

mythopoeic structuralism concedes the alienation inherent in tragedy.

And, as we have just seen, Williams' historical/cultural analysis

places madness at the middle point of our history of tragedy.

Yet having confirmed the presence of madness or the etiology of

madness in this variety of approaches to tragedy, we are left with little

assurance of a shared understanding of tragedy itself. Not only does

each of these critics employ a different methodology but the

methodology is in turn applied to different bodies of literature. It is

perhaps this critical Tower-of-Babel situation which compelled Oscar

Mandel to write A Definition of Tragedy. Hard definitions of tragedy

are a rarity in recent times. 18


A Definition of Tragedy

In A Definition of Tragedy, Mandel confronts the existential

visionaries and traditional formalists with a direct and definitive

approach to tragedy. Mandel rejects both the "tragic vision" of

modern existentialists and the theodicies of Hegel and Schiller. He

also dismisses inward looking structures such as those developed by

Northrop Frye in his Anatomy of Criticism. Mandel's argument

against ethical and existential interpretations of tragedy is "the

anarchy of subjective and historical interpretation" which they

impose.19 His refutation of structuralist categorizations is that a

definition of tragedy "is acceptable only on condition of being in

some manner true to the world which supplies it with materials." 20

Mandel offers the following definition:

A work of art is tragic if it substantiates the following

situation: A protagonist who commands our earnest good will

is impelled in a given world by a purpose, or undertakes an

action, of a certain seriousness and magnitude; and by that very

purpose or action, subject to that same given world, necessarily

and inevitably meets with grave spiritual or physical suffering.

21

In the defence of his definition Mandel argues against catharsis ,

anagnorisis , and "nobility" being essential to tragedy. As well,

Mandel, like Aristotle and Frye, focuses on the fact that tragedy

describes "a situation." However, as Mandel is quick to point out

himself, the book is more about definitions than about tragedy. Even

if we were to accept this legalistic definition, we would be at a loss to

determine what it tells us about tragedy.


Tragedy in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy

At this point we should rightly ask: if, as Mandel contends, these

various formal, traditional, transcendental, existential, and structuralist

theories have proven inadequate, is any theory of tragedy definitive?

For that matter, is it possible to derive or deduce a final formulation

for tragedy? At this point in the long history of literature and of

literary criticism a final definition of tragedy seems beyond the

possibility of consensus. As Morris Weitz points out in his article,

"Tragedy," in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, given the divergence

of artifacts and opinions, it is not possible to determine "a set of

necessary and sufficient properties" which account for the concept of

tragedy. Nor is it possible, as Weitz indicates, to give the final

definition of a concept like tragedy, when new tragedies may yet be

written which will change our understanding of the concept.

Tragedy is not definable (in the theory sense of true, real

definition) for another reason, namely that its use must allow

for the ever present possibility of new conditions. It is simply a

historical fact that the concept, as we know and use it, has

continuously accommodated new cases of tragedy, and, more

important, the properties of these cases. One cannot state the

necessary and sufficient conditions for the correct use of a

concept whose very use entails the requirement that the concept

be applicable to new conditions. 22

Weitz concludes that

. . . no set of necessary and sufficient properties is common to

all [tragedies]. Nor will further examination of the human

situation furnish us with a theory of tragedy, because there is no

tragic fact in the world about which a theory of tragedy could

be true or which would corroborate such a theory. 23

Weitz contends that when we speak of tragedy, "such discourse is

intelligible." However, I would note that in discussing tragedy

without the benefit of an accepted definition contemporary critics are

forced to limit themselves to defensible topics like "tragic myth" or

"the masks of tragedy" or "themes in tragedy" or "features of tragedy"

while adopting an ostensive definition of the term. The fact that there

is little agreement on a canon of tragedies seems to jeopardize or,

more to the point, trivialize even these arguments. If we compare

Sewall ( The Vision of Tragedy ) and Steiner ( The Death of Tragedy ),

we discover that Sewall's basic tenet is that the essence of tragedy is

the knowledge gained through suffering; whereas Steiner's central

theme is that the core of tragedy is the awareness of transcendence

discovered through suffering. On the surface they present

complementary points of view, but when it comes to the specifics of

individual tragedies they differ widely. Sewall sees the story of Job as

one of the two pillars of the tragic worldview. Steiner, however, is

unequivocal that there is nothing tragic in the story of Job. Sewell

lists Long Day's Journey into Night , The Trial , and Absolon, Absolon

as examples of tragedy. Steiner's thesis is that tragedy ended with the

neo-classical period.


In the absence of a final theory or definition of tragedy or some fact

of life to which tragedy appeals, all statements about tragedy broach

tautology. How can any statement about tragedy be "proven" when a

body of plays must be selected to induce a particular notion of tragedy,

and then the same body of plays must then be used to prove the

validity of the notion?


In any discussion of tragedy, what is at issue is the reasons given for

the use of the term. One theory may compete with another in terms of

erudition, or verisimilitude, or coherence, or its appeal to intuition,

but no theory can claim to correspond to truth. The purpose of such

discussion, then, is merely to inch closer to the truth by adding to

awareness and enlarging understanding. As Weitz points out:

Each theory of tragedy expresses an honorific redefinition of

tragedy that restricts the use of the term to a selection from its

multiple criteria. It is this selection, as a recommendation to

concentrate upon certain preferred criteria or properties of

tragedy that are neglected, distorted, or omitted by other

theories. If we attend to these criteria or properties instead of to

the unsuccessful attempts of essentialist definitions, we shall

have much to learn from the individual theories about what to

look for in tragedies as well as how to look at them. 24

The point of any discussion of tragedy is, therefore, not so much to

prove as to persuade. The purpose of that persuasion is to enhance

understanding, to illuminate new perspectives, to provide insights.

Thus we can now speak of definitions and theories of tragedies from

the comfortable perspective of the shared understanding that absolute

terms are not possible, and that final definitions and ultimate theories

are beyond the hope of consensus. We can therefore take the liberty

of speaking of an understanding rather than the definition of tragedy.

Our goal, then, is to consider eight plays written over three millennia,

each of which has been widely discussed in terms of tragedy, as

portrayals of a process of madness and the insights which that process

reveals.


Notes

1. Ralph J. Hallman, Psychology and Literature (New York:

Philosophical Library, 1961), p. 21.

2. Ibid, p. 15.

3 . B. Simon, Mind and Madness in Ancient Greece (Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 1978), p.89.

4. Ibid, p. 90.

5. H. Somerville, Madness in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: The

Richards' Press, 1929), p. 14.

6. Ibid, p.15.

7. J.C. Bucknill, The Mad Folk of Shakespeare (New York: Burt

Franklin, 1867), p. xi.

8. G. F. Else, "Introduction," Aristotle Poetics (Ann Arbor: University

of Michigan Press, 1970), p. 5.

9. Ibid, section 17, p. 48.

10. Ibid. See sec. 9. p. 25 for the basic definition, and sec. 15, p. 42 for

the discussion of "the recognition" having "a shattering emotional

effect"--though here, in contradiction to earlier claims, Aristotle seems to

prefer for tragedy to end happily, and in sec. 16, p. 47 he again refers to

the "emotional shock" brought about by probable cause.

11. M. Krieger, "Tragedy and Tragic Vision," Tragedy: Vision and Form, ed., R.W. Corrigan (San Francisco: Chandler, 1965), p. 20. 

12. Ibid, p. 33.

13. K. Jaspers, Tragedy Is Not Enough, trans. H.A.T. Reiche et al

(Boston: Beacon Press, 1952), p. 43.

14. Ibid, p. 42

15. Ibid, pp. 51-2.

16. N. Frye, Anatomy of Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University

Press, 1957), p. 35.

17. R. Williams, Modern Tragedy (Stanford: Stanford University Press,

1966), p.89.

18. G. Brereton offers another example of a "hard definition" in his

Principles of Tragedy (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1968), p. 20

19. O. Mandel, A Definition of Tragedy (New York: New York

University Press, 1961), p. 56.

20. Ibid, p. 56.

21. Ibid, p. 20.

22. M. Weitz, "Tragedy," The Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed., P.

Edwards (New York: MacMillan, 1967), p. 160.

23. Ibid, p. 160.

24. Ibid, p. 160.

Saturday, 10 May 2025

Alberta separatism gets Fox News attention

cut and paste from Global News

Alberta separatism gets Fox News attention after Carney-Trump meeting

 5 min read 


The renewed push to have Alberta separate from Canada has caught the eyes of some pundits on Fox News, who are suggesting the discontent could play into the larger trade and security negotiations between Canada and U.S. President Donald Trump.

Alberta Premier Danielle Smith announced this week that she doesn’t want Alberta to leave Canada but, if enough residents sign a petition asking for a referendum on it, she’ll make sure it’s put to a vote in 2026.

A new Angus Reid poll released Thursday found 36 per cent of Albertans would either vote to separate from Canada or lean toward voting that way, whole more than 60 per cent opposed such a vote.

Smith — who delivered her speech a day before Prime Minister Mark Carney met with Trump at the White House — also presented a list of demands for Carney’s new Liberal government, and threatened to take steps to assert Alberta’s sovereignty if Ottawa didn’t address the province’s grievances.

Those remarks, and the calls for secession from some Alberta residents, played into the coverage of the Carney-Trump sit-down on Fox News this week.

“President Trump is sensing weakness and I think he smells blood,” Jeanine Pirro said Tuesday during a discussion on the popular panel show The Five.

“If there is a sense in Canada that the people aren’t happy, if the provinces that have talked about seceding are saying that the Canadian federal government is not concerned about them, it may be that Trump is sensing this and he’s going to target them, and that all of this (negotiations between Trump and Carney) is just kind of, like, another discussion, but it’s really about those places that want to secede.”

Pirro suggested Quebec also wants to secede, despite the sovereigntist Bloc Quebecois’ diminished seats in the recent federal election and recent polling suggesting Trump’s attacks on Canada’s sovereignty and economy have dampened the separatist movement.

Co-host Jesse Watters went even further in response to Pirro, suggesting Alberta alone could become America’s 51st state instead of Canada as a whole, as Trump has repeatedly called for.

“I think we want Alberta, because they’re the powerhouse,” he said. “They have all the oil, they have all the minerals. … They’re also conservative in Alberta, so it’s not a great, beautiful line like what you’d see (as a combined Canada with the U.S.) but it would just kind of look like a big Florida that would shoot up north. But it would give us access to the Arctic.

“There’s going to be a referendum, I don’t know if it’s going to be possible, but I like how he’s using the leverage. If these people want to go, just use that as a little pressure point to exploit them for concessions.”

The same day, while talking about the White House meeting, Fox Business anchor David Asman brought up the Alberta separatism movement and Smith’s remarks from Monday, including what he said was her claim that Alberta is “not getting anything from the federal government.”

“I think Donald Trump and this 51st state thing is playing into that, what’s going on in Canada, he said.

“He could chip off a piece at a time and do business with the very oil-rich section of Canada,” anchor Martha MacCallum responded in agreement.

Political analysts had predicted earlier this week that Smith’s speech would likely be noticed by decision-makers and media in the U.S. Trump has been known to regularly watch and publicly comment on Fox News programs.

“It doesn’t strengthen Canada’s position,” Lori Williams, a political science professor at Mount Royal University in Calgary, told Global News.

“People in the United States, the strategists there, are going to be looking for any chinks in the armour, and this is something that they might want to try to exploit or take advantage of.”

A spokesperson for Smith’s office told Global News the premier is focused on securing a fair deal with Ottawa and “listening to and governing on behalf of all Albertans.”

“The premier has been very clear, she supports a strong and sovereign Alberta within a united Canada,” spokesperson Sam Blackett said in an emailed statement.

“The premier has no mandate to and will not entertain negotiations for Alberta to become a part of the United States. She will continue to advocate alongside her provincial and federal counterparts for a strong and prosperous trade relationship between Canada and the U.S.”

Smith travelled to Florida to meet with Trump in January before his inauguration, after he first threatened sweeping tariffs on Canada. She has also appeared on Fox News herself to argue against tariffs and propose strengthening U.S. business and energy ties.

The premier was also criticized for telling Breitbart News on the eve of the federal election campaign that she wanted the Trump administration to “pause” its tariffs to avoid boosting the Liberals.

Carney met with Canada’s premiers Wednesday and discussed “building projects of national interest to diversify the economy, create higher-paying jobs, and build one Canadian economy instead of 13,” according to a readout from the Prime Minister’s Office.

Smith said after the meeting there’s an emerging consensus among premiers that federal regulations need to be cleared away to allow for “nation building projects” and investment, which Carney has also publicly supported.

Ontario Premier Doug Ford, who has said he doesn’t want Alberta to secede, said Wednesday he told Carney that it’s time his government started “showing some love” to Alberta and Saskatchewan, where there has also been talk of separation recently.

Thursday’s Angus Reid poll found 33 per cent of people in Saskatchewan strongly or somewhat supported a vote to separate, with 59 per cent opposed.

The pollster found in a poll last month that 30 per cent of Albertans support separatism, which Angus Reid noted was down from 60 per cent who said in 2019 they were open to joining a western separatist movement.

A February poll from Ipsos found 30 per cent of Albertans believe either their province, Quebec or both will separate from Canada within the next 10 years, while 28 per cent said they would vote for their newly-independent province to join the U.S.

The poll found that nationally, younger Canadians aged 18-35 were more likely to voice support for their province or country joining the U.S. compared to older Canadians. Nearly one-third of younger respondents said it was “only a matter of time” before Canada and the U.S. become a single, unified country.


Friday, 9 May 2025

How Do We Solve a Problem Like Danielle Smith?

Comparing Danielle Smith and René Lévesque 

I compare Danielle Smith to René Lévesque.  Exceptional communicators, with a history in broadcasting before entering politics, politically savvy, and with an in-depth knowledge of their constituency and constituents in both cases.  Both have shown the capacity to talk about sovereignty in subtle, sub-textual, svelte terms that make provincial secession sound benign.  However, neither has shown concern about what happens to Canada post-secession. Neither has ever acknowledged that we already live in the best country in the world.  Despite historical and regional grudges we live largely in harmony occupying the second largest and potentially richest territory in the world.  Neither sovereigntist has been prepared to discuss the stability, unity and existence of the country they are prepared to risk in favour of whatever imagined benefits provincial independence might offer. 

Canada Is a great country!

Canada is a great country.  But saying so is un-Canadian.  We use the expression "Great Canadian" to be sardonic.  But who are we mocking?  Ourselves in part.  More pointedly, our American neighbours to the south, and their obsessive, self-aggrandizing declarations of greatness, especially these days.  In certain times, our humility and deference serve us poorly.  We are living through one of those times.

People gather in support of Alberta becoming the 51st state during a rally at the Legislature in Edmonton, on May 3.  [Image from the Globe and Mail]

Doing Nothing and denial are dangerous

How do we address the potential dismemberment of Canada which Danielle Smith foregrounds and forebodes?  A typical Canadian response is denial, "it will never happen," and the liberal notion that "everything will turn out fine if we do nothing."  I believe we are facing the exception to these rules.

In his interview with Tara Henley on Lean OutDarrell Bricker, the CEO of Ipsos Public Affairs,  says,

I think that sometimes central Canadian people dismiss Western separatism as an issue of a few cranks out there in a couple of bars in rural Alberta or whatever. I don't think that that's what we're dealing with now. I think when you saw Danielle Smith's presentation yesterday, I mean, this is not nothing. Something is going on here. And by the way, I don't think the real question in Alberta is secession. I think it's more annexation [ . . .].

The Numbers aren't great

Polling on December 10, 2024, suggested that 66% of Albertans disagree with the province becoming a 51st US state.  More recent AngusReid polling suggests that 36% of Albertans support leaving confederation.  As someone who lived in Quebec during the election of René Lévesque's Parti Quebecois in 1976, the 1980 referendum and 1995 referendum--and witnessed the polling numbers changing dramatically in the space of two weeks in 1995--I do not find these Alberta numbers particularly reassuring.

How we kept Quebec in Canada in 1995

In the 1995 referendum vote, we (Canadian federalists) managed to keep Quebec in the Canadian confederation by just over half a percentage point (50.58%).  How did we do it?  To quote Jacques Parizeau's post-referendum complaint : "l'argent."   This chapter of Canadian history should be called "How Chuck Guite saved Canada and was punished for it."  During the 1995 referendum campaign, Guité, a federal civil servant, bent the rules and funnelled money to a Quebec advertising firm to promote Canadian unity.  His cavalier awarding of contracts in 1995 and beyond led to his eventually being found guilty of fraud and sentenced to three and a half years in prison.  Prosecutors complained of Guité's lack of remorse when he argued that he had been working to save the country in what amounted to "a war."

Time To do some nation building

Despite this cautionary tale of Chuck Guité, the results prove that an active campaign to keep Quebec in Canada mattered.  Tens of thousands (by some counts hundred of thousands) of Canadians paraded in Montreal in support of Quebec remaining in Canada.  Canadians nation-wide were encouraged to contact friends and relatives in Quebec rallying the vote against separation.  And, of course, there was a heartfelt and sometimes quite witty campaign inside Quebec on behalf of Canada.

This Time it's really serious

Alberta separation threatens to be much more acute and challenging.  This time, as the USA eyes the Alberta prize, what Danielle Smith calls "the Texas of the north,"  money (legal or otherwise) will flow in from the south in quantities even the Canadian government will find hard to match.  Quebec separatists talked a lot about waiting for the right economic conditions for independence.  Unlike Quebec, Alberta isn't looking forward to receiving equalization payments from the federal government.  For Alberta, the economic conditions are already in place.  Keith Spicer, Canada's Commissioner of Official Languages, once quipped that Quebec couldn't separate because there was nowhere for Quebec to go.  Again, not so for Alberta, as the USA will be all too eager to suggest annexation.

Advertising Matters

It's time to start selling Canada to Albertans.  We might want to start by selling the idea of Canada to ourselves with a bit more enthusiasm and vigour.  There isn't going to be a better time than now.

How Do You Solve a Problem LLIke Danielle Smith?








Tuesday, 6 May 2025

Danielle Smith promises Alberta separation referendum if signatures warrant

Just in case you didn't believe my previous post on Danielle Smith:  

Danielle Smith Is a Serious Threat to Canada’s Survival as a Country.



Alberta Premier Danielle Smith says she would hold a referendum on provincial separation next year if citizens gather the required signatures on a petition.

Smith, in a livestream address, says she wants a sovereign Alberta within a united Canada but the voices of those unhappy with Confederation are not fringe extremists and must be listened to.

“The vast majority of these individuals are not fringe voices to be marginalized or vilified. They are loyal Albertans. They are, quite literally, our friends and neighbors who’ve just had enough of having their livelihoods and prosperity attacked by a hostile federal government,” Smith said.The speech comes a week after Smith’s United Conservative government introduced legislation that, if passed, will sharply reduce the bar petitioners need to meet to trigger a provincial referendum.


The bill, introduced the day after the federal election, would change citizen-initiated referendum rules to require a petition signed by 10 per cent of the eligible voters in a previous general election — down from 20 per cent of total registered voters.

Applicants would also get 120 days, rather than 90, to collect the required 177,000 signatures.

“To be clear from the outset, our government will not be putting a vote on separation from Canada on the referendum ballot,” Smith said on Monday.

“However, if there is a successful citizen-led referendum petition that is able to gather the requisite number of signatures requesting such a question to be put on a referendum, our government will respect the democratic process and include that question on the 2026 provincial referendum ballot, as well.”

As Prime Minister Mark Carney prepares to meet U.S. President Donald Trump in person in Washington on Tuesday to discuss the tariff trade war and other issues, Smith said Liberal rule has turned Canada into an international laughing  stock.“We have the most abundant and accessible natural resources of any country on Earth, and yet we landlock them, sell what we do produce to a single customer to the south of us while enabling polluting dictatorships to eat our lunch,” she said.

Addendum

Image from the Globe and Mail:

People gather in support of Alberta becoming the 51st state during a rally at the Legislature in Edmonton, on May 3.





Saturday, 5 April 2025

Danielle Smith Is a Serious Threat to Canada’s Survival as a Country.

I first pointed out the threat which Danielle Smith posed to Canada in a post in October, 2022, when I referenced the chapter “Unlikely Canada” in Peter Zeihan’s The Accidental Super Power, published in 2015.  Zeihan adamantly predicted the break-up of Canada before 2030.  He foresaw Alberta becoming the 51st US state, following its independence from Canada initiated by the Wildrose Party lead by Danielle Smith.  In short, the threat she poses has been known and has grown for over 10 years and still no-one, with the possible exception of Michael Nabert on his Facebook page, seemed to be paying much attention . . . until this week.

Last Thursday, Smith was the featured guest at a fundraiser for PragerU in Florida.  PragerU is a right-wing propaganda machine which produces short videos in opposition to environmentalism, social programs, government bureaucracy and taxes.  PragerU videos are widely viewed online and are distributed to educational institutions in the USA.  The best way for you to understand PragerU is to visit the site yourself:  https://www.prageru.com/   Search Canada on the PragerU website if you would like to see samples of what Danielle Smith helped raise a million dollars in support of.

Since her appearance with right-wing podcaster Ben Shapiro, who advocated Canada becoming a 51st state, Smith has become a PragerU celebrity.  She was a guest for an hour-long interview with Marissa Streit, host and CEO of PragerU  (see below). 


Smith has justified her multiple trips to the USA (to Mara Largo, to the While House, and to Florida for PragerU) as diplomatic efforts against the Trump tariffs—to strengthen the USA-Canada relationship according to PragerU.  What we have been witnessing is the beginning of a courtship as Smith coyly points out what a good match Alberta and the USA would be—and Marissa Streit concurs.  As with any traditional courtship the message is in the subtext.  The obvious question of Canada’s becoming a 51st state was never asked, presumably by prior agreement.  Much of the interview dealt with the issue of transgenders, confirming that Smith’s attitudes were quite acceptable to PragerU Americans.  But the important sound bites came with Smith describing Alberta as the “Texas of the north,” with lots of oil, gas, cattle and grain.  Smith had the numbers ready and was more than happy to point out Alberta’s willingness to turn over its natural resources to the USA.  To make the geography clear to her American audience, Smith carefully pointed out that Alberta shares its border with Montana.  The unsaid:  no problem transporting all those Alberta resources and, of  course, Alberta has four times Montana’s population.  What more do you need to become a 51st state?  And a 51st state that can be counted on to vote Republican when the time comes.

When Smith was asked the “51st state” question during her “fireside chat” with Ben Shapiro, her answer was:

That would be like adding another California to your electoral system, and [you] would never have a Republican president in the White House again. So I would just caution you that it's probably best for us to just stay friends, and friends should never move in together.

Note that adding just Alberta wouldn’t be the same problem.  Smith hinted that Saskatchewan might also like to come along for the ride.

Recent polling suggests that 18% of Albertans favour Canada becoming a 51st state.  A Research Co poll carried out in December 2024 claims that 30% of Albertans believe the province would benefit from becoming part of the USA.   In his uninvited visit to Greenland, Vice-president J.D. Vance spelled out a vote for Greenland’s independence would lead to US hegemony over the island.  A referendum in favour of Alberta sovereignty, as Zeihan predicted in 2015, would eventually lead to statehood in the USA.

Preston Manning pulled back the covers on Western alienation, the Alberta sovereignty movement, and Smith’s subtext in a recent Globe and Mail editorial aimed at undermining a LIberal election.  Poor Pierre Poilieve had to once again distance himself from the support of his Conservative colleagues.  Manning got one thing right, the future of the nation is in play.  We do have to worry about Danielle Smith.

Saturday, 29 March 2025

I Used to Think that Pierre Poilieve Was a Really Smart Guy that I Didn't Like Very Much

I decided that Pierre Poilieve was a nasty piece of work when he was casting aspersions on the character and credibility of the former Governor General of Canada, David Johnson. When Johnson was tasked with investigating claims of foreign interference in Canadian elections, Poilieve attempted to discredit him with sleazy, spurious, guilt-by-association claims that he was susceptible to corruption because he and Justin Trudeau owned neighbouring cottages.

Talk about karma!

After his having made such a fuss about foreign interference in Canadian elections, CSIS (Canadian Security and Intelligence Service) now has evidence that Poilieve's Conservative leadership campaign received illegal funding from India. Poilieve could have been informed of what CSIS discovered and gotten in front of the accusations but, to everyone's mystification, Poilieve has refused to go through the process of getting security clearance which would allow him to access intelligence gathering.  Poilieve's justification for refusing to get security clearance is so profoundly dumb, it is difficult to fathom.  In a nutshell his argument is "ignorance is truth" (a slogan from the novel 1984?).  He is attempting to claim that he would not be able to be honest and transparent with the Canadian electorate if he had access to top-secret intelligence.  He can only be honest if he remains ignorant.  He can only tell the truth if he doesn't know what he is talking about.  (Read those sentences again. I wrote them, and I don't get it.)  Poilieve couldn't possibly do a better job of creating the impression that he has something to hide than refusing to be vetted for a security clearance.

Then There's the double standard!

Poilieve brushes off the fact that his leadership campaign received illegal foreign funding with the claim that he won the nomination “fair and square.”  When Han Dong's campaign for the Liberal Party nomination in his riding was accused of getting support from China, Dong was forced out of the party, his political and personal reputation ruined . . . and he has received death threats. The accusations against Dong remain unproven.  Poilieve, despite proof of foreign interference in his nomination campaign,  has waved off the accusations as being of no consequence. 

Then There's fentanyl

When Donald Drumph launched his trojan-horse claims of fentanyl crossing the border from Canada into the USA (yes, yes, we all know now that more fentanyl moves the other way), Poilieve tried to jump on that horse-drawn bandwagon by announcing that he would impose mandatory sentences of life in prison for anyone caught with 40 milligrams of fentanyl.  Do you know how small a milligram is?  Fentanyl is an incredibly powerful and easily produced synthetic drug.  (The Reuters web page explains what we should know and need to know about fentanyl.)  Two milligrams of fentanyl is a potentially lethal dosage  The drug is deadly, but the campaign promise came across as flawed, failed opportunism pandering to Donald Trump.



Then there's Carney

With the change in Liberal leadership, a new Prime Minister, and a new political opponent, it seemed that Poilieve's existence had lost its meaning.  Slowly he came to realize that changing the names from Trudeau to Carney, accompanied by satanic-looking videos of Carney awash in red just weren't going to cut it, he pivoted back to the guilt-by-innuendo that he had used to discredit David Johnson.  Poilieve announced what he hoped would seem a scandalous revelation that when Mark Carney was a private citizen representing Brookfield, the Canadian asset management company (Poilieve holds investments n the same company by the way), Carney visited the vice-president of the Chinese central bank, "two weeks later Brookfield got a quarter-billion-dollar loan."  There are only two possible interpretations of these scandalous revelations: 1) these two events happened one after the other and are completely unrelated or 2) Mark Carney has shown that he can negotiate a deal with China, Canada’s second largest trading partner, which is beneficial to Canada and Canadians.  Who is Poilieve campaigning for?  Then he uses the press conference (above) for some out-of-date China bashing. Is Poilieve seriously trying to escalate our trade war with China while we are in the midst of a trade war with the USA?

Listening to Poilieve trying to spin yet another conspiracy theory, it occurred to me that maybe this is the advantage of not having a security clearance.  Since he doesn’t know anything, he can just make stuff up without being accused of lying.

Then the worst happened:  Danielle Smith

If nothing else sinks Poilieve’s campaign, Danielle Smith’s attempt to support him by telling Breibart News that Poilieve is “in sync with the new US administration” should do it.

Signs of Desperation

I can’t think of anything more desperate than the Conservative campaign’s attempt to turn a sound bit of Trump describing Poilieve as acting “stupidly” as evidence that Poilieve is the man we want as Prime Minister.


Thursday, 20 March 2025

How Has Canada Ended Up in Trade Wars with China and the USA at the Same Time?

Here’s the chronology:

2015. The Justin Trudeau Liberals were elected with a plan to establish a free-trade agreement with China

2016.  Donald Trump was elected President of the USA and begins direct trade negotiations with Xi Jinping of China

2016-2017:  Plans for a Canada-China free-trade agreement are underway.

2018:  In January, Richard Donoghue, a lawyer working for Broadcom, becomes District Attorney for the Eastern District of New York

2018:  March 1, President Trump announces his intention to impose a 25% tariff on Canadian steel

2018:  In April, John Bolton becomes President Trump’s National Security Advisor

2018:  In October, Canada, USA and Mexico formally agree to the new NAFTA, the USMCA free-trade agreement which includes the “China clause” intended to block Canada from creating a free-trade agreement with China

2018:  December 1, John Bolton sets up a meeting between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping which he sarcastically describes as his “contribution to world peace.”  On the same day, under Bolton’s direction the FBI instructs Canadian Border Secrurity and the RCMP to  arrest Meng Wanzou the CFO and daughter of the founder of Huawei, the largest supplier of telecommunications equipment in the world, based on a warrant issued by Richard Donoghue.

2018-2019:  The Extradition Act is clear that the decision to extradite or release Meng is up to the Minister of Justice, Jody Wilson Raybould, after she has reviewed all the circumstances and determined if the request is fair or not.   Wilson Raybould issues a statement saying she takes her extradition responsiblities seriously but before she can do more she is demoted out of Justice for refusing to interfere in the prosecution of the engineering firm SNC Lavalin.  Wilson Raybould subsequently resigns.  The Lavalin scandal creates confusion because by law the Minister of Justice is not supposed to interfere in a case like SNC Lavalin but, by law, the Minister is supposed to decide the extradition case.  This difference never seemed to make its way to the Canadian public.

2018:  December 10, after the Canadian government had broken every law in the books including denial of  habeas corpus and ignoring the Canadian Extradition Act in the process of arresting Meng, the Chinese government followed suit and arrested Canadians Michael Korvik and Michael Spavor without just cause.  The Chinese government also began to restrict imports of Canadian produce and stalled plans to establish a Covid-vaccine laboratory in Canada--essentially initiating the Canada-China trade war which continues today.  Rather than releasing Meng, whom we now know was being held without justifiable cause, and arranging the release of the "two Michaels," the Canadian government in obedience and acquiescence to US policy continued to escalate tensions with China.

2020:  Weaponizing Human Rights, 24 hours before leaving office, Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo declared that China was committing genocide against the Uyghur population of Xinjiang. At least three reports were published accusing China of genocide and were extensively quoted in the press.  The newly appointed US Secretary of State, Anthony Blinken repeated Pompeo's claim of a genocide but made no official declaration.  In the UN's Assessment of human rights concerns in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, People’s Republic of China published in August, 2022, the word "genocide" never appears.

2021:  January 21, the Canadian House of Commons passed a non-binding resolution proposed by Erin O'Toole that China was perpetrating a genocide against its Muslim population.

2021:  December 23,  the US Congress passes the Forced Labour Act which requires Border Security to reject all imports from China that might be the result of forced labour unless there is clear and convincing evidence to the contrary.  In keeping with the recently negotiated USMCA free trade agreement, Canada is required to do the same thereby further escalating a trade war with China.

2024:  October 1, Canada imposed a 100% tariff on Chinese electric vehicles, again to align itself with US policy, and once again escalating a trade war with China.

2025:  January 20, Donald Trump is inaugurated as US President and announces a 25% tariff on Canadian imports, effectively reneging on the USMCA.  Nonetheless Canada continues to impose its 100% tariff on Chinese vehicles. 

2025:  China retaliates with 100% tariffs on Canadian canola, seafood and pork.  

Just a thought:  maybe we shouldn't have arrested Meng in the first place.


   

In the Midst of Canada's Existential Crisis, Alberta Premier, Danielle Smith, Escalates Hostilities with Canada's Federal Government.

 This is cut and paste from Edmonton Journal.


Smith targets ‘unconstitutional federal overreach' with new Alberta legislation

“These amendments we're introducing today would include denying federal workers access to our facilities and the information they contain."

Tuesday, 18 March 2025

Premier Danielle Smith defends Florida speaking trip as anti-tariff effort

 Cut and paste from Calgary Herald.  BTW, Prager U is not a university.  It is a propaganda tool of right -wing American conservatives.  Largely financed by the KOCH brothers who own the American refinery that processes most of Alberta's oil.  See Foreign Interference in Canadian Elections.

·4 min read

Alberta’s premier says her upcoming speaking appearance with conservative media personality Ben Shapiro is a continuation of the necessary “quiet diplomacy” she’s employed to gain the attention of U.S. President Donald Trump amid a heated trade war.

Danielle Smith has faced calls to cancel her advertised attendance at the March 27 fundraiser for Florida-based PragerU.

Shapiro is the outspoken co-founder of conservative media company The Daily Wire and former editor-in-chief of Breitbart News. He’s drawn criticism for past homophobic remarks and more recent posts supporting Canada becoming the 51st American state.

On her call-in radio show Saturday, Smith said it’s important she speak with those who have the president’s attention.

“You talk to the influencers. That’s the key insight that people should see,” Smith said.

“I can yell from the rooftops here all that I want, but it’s far more influential for someone close to the president, that he respects, making the same case for us.”

Tickets for the “East Coast Gala” are being sold for US$1,500.

Lori Williams, a political science professor at Mount Royal University, says Smith’s upcoming appearance with Shapiro differs from her past engagements with figures like Tucker Carlson or Jordan Peterson for a couple of reasons.

One distinction, Williams said, is that the event where Smith will share the stage with Shapiro is a fundraiser in support of PragerU.

Williams also highlighted Shapiro’s recent social media posts suggesting Canada should become the 51st U.S. state, noting that Smith’s participation at the conference places her alongside someone who appears to disrespect Canadian sovereignty at a politically sensitive time.

“When we take Canada, you will be expelled to Panama to work the canal,” Shapiro posted on X in response to a post made by Prime Minister Justin Trudeau in January.

Sharing the stage with Shapiro is “something that’s not going to sit well with most Canadians,” Williams said. “Even in her base, I think there are a lot of patriotic Canadians who aren’t going to particularly like the idea of her appearing to take too lightly … disrespect for Canada’s sovereignty.”

As for Smith’s claim that Shapiro has influence with Donald Trump, Williams is skeptical.

“I don’t know that that particular argument works very well,” she said. “Even though Shapiro seems to be embracing Trump’s position on the 51st state rhetoric … he has spoken out against the tariffs on Canada. So I have no idea if Donald Trump is listening to anybody.”

Williams noted it’s become “very difficult” and “exceedingly unpredictable” to know who Trump listens to and communicates with.

“(Trump’s) advisors say something isn’t going to happen and it does, or they say something is going to happen and it (doesn’t),” Williams said.

Alberta NDP Leader Naheed Nenshi last week urged Smith to cancel the appearance, saying it would be “despicable” for her to speak at the Florida event.

“These are not the kind of people that Albertans want her associating with,” Nenshi told reporters.

Smith reiterates support of ‘proportionate’ approach to tariffs

Smith said it’s important she and other opponents of tariffs address the likes of Shapiro — who has millions of followers on social media — and PragerU, who have spoken out against tariffs imposed by Trump.

“They think that tariffing Canada is dumb. They were very open about that and I want to be able to make sure that entire audience of influencers has all of my talking points so they can be making them every single place that they can so we can get to the finish line, which is tariff-free relationship on every product,” Smith said.

Asked why she has not offered a more aggressive response to U.S. tariffs, as Ontario Premier Doug Ford has, Smith reiterated her support of a measured, “proportionate” approach.

Ford threatened last week to slap an added 25 per cent charge on Ontario’s electricity exports to three northern U.S. states. Trump responded by declaring he’d double steel and aluminum duties on Canada, leading Ford to drop his proposed surcharge.

Trump went ahead Wednesday with an additional 25 per cent import tariff on all steel and aluminum imports into the U.S., including from Canada.

Trump placed 25 per cent tariffs on some products coming from Canada and Mexico in early March — and 10 per cent on energy — while pausing others for 30 days.

Smith has repeatedly resisted calls — including from Ford — to consider Alberta’s energy exports as a retaliatory bargaining chip in the ongoing trade dispute.

“If you come to a gun fight with a knife, you really are going to be at the bad end of that,” she said.

“The Americans have more levers to cause harm in an energy war, particularly to Ontario and Quebec. They may not realize that I’m defending them but I absolutely am. You just don’t mess with energy.”

— With files from The Canadian Press

The Polls, the Press, and All the Ways the Information Loop Goes Wrong

The Polling frenzy   In the wake of the Democratic Party changing candidates there has been a frenzy of polls and press releases on the pol...